("Quid coniuratio est?")
(...continued...)
JOHN JUDGE: [...continues...] And part of that involved moving those Nazis all over the world. Moving those Fascists. And not all the Germans were Fascists, and not all the Fascists were German. There were Japanese Fascists, if you remember. Some of them seem to be still in control today. There was a kind of veiled threat, recently, from the Prime Minister of Japan, that the forces that operated in World War II hadn't forgotten what the U.S. did to them; and that they were ready to rise back up if we didn't stop messing around on these trade issues for the international exchange. So the threat of them, you know, is still there. We talk a lot about Nuremberg, but much less about the Japanese war crime trials.
And it's known now, for instance, that when MacArthur's group went in, they found evidence of the POWs being experimented on with chemical and biological weapons by the Japanese. That they let all the scientists that did those war crimes off the hook, in exchange for the information that they could give them about how the weapons worked. So that, to them, was a fair trade.
Many of those scientists, many of the munitions and aerospace experts, many of the spies, (about 300 of them, in fact, under General Reinhard Gehlen, who had headed up Hitler's intelligence network for the east and the Soviet Union) were brought, from 1943 up until even more recently in the present day, into the United States and into other countries around the world, South Africa included. There's quite a bit of collaboration between the South African government and World War II Fascists and Nazis.
But the Fascism was an indigenous problem in many, many countries. It didn't just exist in Nazi Germany. There were groups of Fascists that the Nazis were able to use in many countries as collaborationist governments.
And the real hidden history of World War II was, in fact, the defeat in many places of those forces by more progressive elements. By people who were, out of reasons of patriotism, or out of a more progressive political philosophy, bound and determined to take back some freedom. And that's a history that hasn't had as much play as the standard version of the Allied powers: these empires getting together to defeat these things, the actual struggles of the resistance to Fascism in the different countries and what role that played.
Assassination was always a tool for them; not only the mass death, but the individual death of the people that could make a difference, of the politicians that might make a change, of the people that stood in the way. And they perfected those techniques, and those techniques were brought here and used in the United States. So that when Mae Brussell did her work with the Warren Commission, and I spent several years reading the volumes and going into depth (and I went through about 300 cubic feet of material in the Archives). We found those people in the Commission Record. In key places. And I'll just talk to you about a few of them, so you can get a sense of who these people are that I'm talking about, and how they would play in.
One important one is an American, in fact, an American Fascist by the name of John J. McCloy. McCloy was a Rockefeller banking lawyer. I saw Marcel Ophuls who did some of the films on the Nuremburg situation, The Sorrow and the Pity, and Memory of Justice, at a public talk. And someone came up and asked him about McCloy, "Is he connected to the internationals?" And Ophuls said, "It would be more accurate to say the internationals are connected to him."
There was a very good article some years ago in Harpers about him, "Minister without Portfolio," that began to go into his background, all the way back to the 1920s when he was sent over to Germany to check about World War I sabotage activities, and ended up friends with some of Hitler's early cronies, and met Hitler, and stayed in that area for some time. He was connected to Sullivan and Cromwell, a Rockefeller banking firm that kept its German investments going even after the mass deaths of the Jews started in Germany. They had investments there that they didn't want to back off from.
And McCloy eventually got into a position in the government where he was the Under-Secretary of War. Somebody pointed out to me earlier that 1947-1948 is also when we changed from "Secretary of War," to "Secretary of Defense." {1}. And just that little word change is enough propaganda to make clear what's happening.
John J. McCloy, among other things during the period when he was Under-Secretary of War, was responsible, along with Earl Warren and a fellow named S. Dillon Reed, for the set-up of the Japanese concentration camps in the United States and the internment of Japanese, not German or white peoples, but Japanese people here. A lot of them lived out here in California, and you may know some of the history of the different concentration camps that were out here. People lost their property and their money. McCloy still speaks openly against any reparations for those people, and believes it was proper that he had them locked up and treated the way that they were during the war.
And it's interesting also that he worked on that with Earl Warren, who later shows up along with McCloy on the Warren Commission, to study the investigation of John Kennedy's death. He's one of the main members of the seven member Committee that helped to cover up the death of John F. Kennedy.
John J. McCloy also, in his position in the government, blocked efforts by the Jewish community here in America to have something done about the Nazi concentration camps. We knew they were there, we knew where they were. The Jews wanted the camps bombed, or they wanted the railroads going to the camps bombed, something, to stop the progress of the machinery of death in the Jewish community there. And his response at the time was that it would lead to "reparations against the Jews." One has to wonder what they could have been. But he refused to go along with those plans.
And then after the war, when we came in militarily, we set up a fellow named General Lucius Clay, who also cut deals with many of these top Nazi elements. And then Lucius Clay's military occupation government was replaced by a transitional, but civil, government of the Allied powers that would then lead eventually into the earliest postwar German government. And who oversaw that transition? McCloy, as the High Commissioner of Germany. In that position he reversed some of the few convictions that happened at the Nuremberg trials. Only eight war criminals were sentenced to death for all the destruction that was done in that war. Only eight. Some were given prison sentences and almost all of those were out within a few years, in large part because of McCloy's intervention.
Of course, the trials were also undermined. One of the key people that undermined evidence and lost witnesses in that trial, working with the U.S. Army, was later to go on into the International Cross, International Rescue Division. And that was one of a number of agencies; the Vatican also had a line for this, that provided false identification to the Nazi war criminals to help them move internationally. And that International Rescue Committee is still dominated by CIA and right wing elements. But at that time they were providing the "Glockenspiel," the false identity cards. And then this fellow who moved into that position came to Texas. He was with a CIA front, a foundation called M. Anderson, for many, many years. He was the special liaison between the Texas police investigation and the Warren Commission investigation of John Kennedy's death. And in that capacity he blocked any effective local study of the death, or local news from getting to the Warren Commission.
And there were a number of years when he was with Anderson. We don't hear of him. And then he reappears as the "most trusted man in America," according to the press during the Watergate fiasco, in order to pardon Nixon. His name is Leon Jaworski.
O.K. So these people move throughout the history. So I'm trying to give you some feel, or some examples, of how these people move. McCloy pardons all these key Nazis. He pardons Krupp. He pardons Dorhnberger. And these other top people are off the hook because of his intervention. And then, not only do they come here, but he continues to function right up to the current day. I mean Reagan, at the time he went to Bitburg, had a White House ceremony for some of them. The German government came and gave these awards to John J. McCloy for his excellent work there in the period when we were supposed to be de-Nazifying Germany. And in fact, we were leading to the Nazification of the world, including America.
(to be continued)
[Transcript of a talk given by John Judge at a one-day conference entitled "The Fourth Reich in America." A transcript of the entire conference, "The Fourth Reich in America," is available from Flatland Books, P.O. Box 2420, Fort Bragg, CA 95437.]
--------------------------<< Notes >>---------------------------- {1} Like we are not going to war with Korea, we are going halfway around the world to defend ourselves from Korea. We never invade other countries; we are just going there to defend ourselves from them.
I encourage distribution of "Conspiracy Nation."