From KALLISTE@delphi.comThu Oct 31 13:42:53 1996
Date: Wed, 30 Oct 1996 21:17:31 -0500 (EST)
From: KALLISTE@delphi.com
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Subject: Chuck Hayes Versus Bill Clinton

	   Chuck Hayes Versus Bill Clinton

		  by J. Orlin Grabbe

	I had been out of state and only checked my 
answering machine from time to time. When I got back to 
Reno, I hit the button.  There was a message from 
Sherman Skolnick.  Robert Strauss, a well-known 
Democrat and head of a large law firm, had called him 
three times.  Strauss was threatening to have Sherman 
arrested the next day, Monday.

	"Has Strauss called you?" Sherman wanted to 
know, when I returned the call. "No," I said.  "He hasn't 
threatened you?" Sherman asked.  "No, but if he did, I 
would tell him to go fuck himself," I replied.

	Sherman had reported that Robert Strauss had lead 
a delegation to the White House asking Bill Clinton to 
resign.  I had also reported the same meeting, albeit in 
deliberately abbreviated form. I rarely paid any attention 
to Skolnick, because most of his reporting was such a 
mixture of truth and error, it would take more effort to 
separate the two than to simply conduct ones own 
investigation of the facts.  But his account of the Strauss 
meeting was quite accurate.

	"Strauss was there, right?"  Sherman seemed 
unsure of his sources.  "Or maybe there by 
teleconference?"

	"He was there, Sherman.  He broke the ashtray just 
like you said,"  I replied.  I didn't tell Sherman the rest of 
the exchange, the part he didn't know.  Clinton had told 
Strauss he could call the guards and have Strauss thrown 
out of the White House.  Strauss lost his temper:  "You 
do, and I'll break your fucking neck before they get here," 
he told Clinton.  Two other people at the meeting stood 
up:  "And we'll help him," they said.  (There were all sorts 
of false reports about the meeting.  John Glenn was there, 
but only electronically.  Ted Kennedy was not present.)

	I told Sherman that Strauss was just blowing 
smoke, and even though Strauss was a hot-head, I doubted 
Strauss would do anything.  Strauss had no legal basis for 
doing so: Sherman's report was accurate.  And I had no 
reason to get involved:  Strauss was doing the right thing 
with respect to Bill Clinton, even if he was angry 
Skolnick had reported the meeting.  Strauss was not the 
villain in the story.  Bill Clinton was.

	On Monday, August 5, shortly after the Strauss 
visit, Chuck Hayes had a meeting with Bill Clinton.  
Clinton had requested the meeting to discuss the issues 
Strauss had raised.  Clinton and Hayes had known each 
other for years:  Chuck Hayes had been Bill Clinton's CIA 
controller, after Clinton was recruited into the CIA by 
Cord Meyer of the London CIA station.  Hayes had 
supervised Clinton's forays into the Soviet Union, and it 
was Hayes who had gotten Clinton out of not-so-
infrequent trouble while Clinton served the agency.

	"Before I ever cross you, " Clinton once told 
Hayes after having had his ass redeemed, "I hope I will 
put a gun to my head and pull the trigger first."

	I talked to Hayes about the Clinton meeting while 
Hayes was still at the White House.  He had explained to 
Clinton some of the evidence that had been accumulated, 
reinforcing what Strauss had said, and detailing numerous 
other projected unpleasant consequences that would 
accompany any decision to not resign.

	The timing of this meeting was early in the game, 
in what is now a full-scale war over Clinton's resignation. 
Jim Guy Tucker was singing, specifically about Mena, 
even while Tucker's lawyer was denying that Tucker was 
cooperating out of fear that Tucker would be an 
assassination target.  Hayes, in a more practical mode, had 
assigned two bodyguards to watch over Tucker.

	In escalating the pressure on Clinton to resign, it 
wasn't that Hayes disliked Bill Clinton as a person.  It was 
just that Hayes loved his country more, and wasn't going 
to tolerate Clinton's participation in the transformation of 
the U.S. into a narco-republic.  It was Hayes who first 
alerted me to Clinton's serious cocaine habit.  In the mid-
80s, in Hayes' assessment, sure, Clinton would use coke at 
parties, but it wasn't a daily problem.  But now, Hayes 
said, the coke was in control.  And what Hayes claimed to 
me about the seriousness of Clinton's cocaine habit, was 
confirmed both by a White House source and by 
personnel at Bethesda Naval Hospital.  Clinton was doing 
"five plus" lines of coke a day.  That simply meant that 
five lines was the *minimum* usage.

	And it was Hayes and an associated group of 
computer hackers calling themselves the "Fifth Column" 
that was providing much of the financial and banking 
evidence that Kenneth Starr needed to nail Bill Clinton to 
the wall.  This included downloading the entire White 
House "Big Brother" data base (WHODB), complete with 
its 2045 FBI files.  (The Lippo computer was also 
connected to the Big Brother system.  Does this imply the 
Lippo computer was also downloaded?  I would advise 
Mr. James Riady to choose sides carefully.)

	Then Dick Morris resigned and began cooperating 
with the Special Prosecutor.  Clinton was panicked.  Dick 
Morris knew more about Clinton's illegal financial affairs 
than anyone since Vince Foster (who had conveniently 
died).  Clinton wanted to meet again with Hayes to 
discuss things.  They agreed to a time and place.  But then 
Clinton cancelled at the last minute, and sent a jet to pick 
up Hayes to take him to the new rendevous location.  
Hayes refused to board the plane.

	They finally met at an airstrip in Kentucky.  
Clinton had an entourage that included Leon Panetta and 
George Stephanopolous.  Other witnesses to this meeting 
include the Air Force Major who tried to intercept Hayes 
as he approached the Presidential jet, and the member of 
the Kentucky State Police who acted as Hayes' 
bodyguard.  Hayes and Clinton had a private conversation 
in a motel room near the airfield.  Hayes began by 
presenting Clinton with a copy of one of my Internet posts 
and an article from Barron's ("Federal agency attacked as 
dispenser of corporate welfare," by Jim McTague, 
September 16, 1996).  The latter article gave context to a 
lot of computer-generated information.    

	"Clinton's face turned whiter the more he read," 
according to Hayes.  Their actual conversation is 
confidential.  But one incident that happened afterwards is 
not.

	A FEMA group showed up to talk to Hayes.  
Clinton recognized them.  "Did you tell them you were 
going to be here?" Clinton asked.

	"No," Hayes replied.

	"Do you talk to them?"

	"Daily."

	"How serious are they?"  Clinton wanted to know.

	"Deadly."

	Meanwhile, Hillary Clinton had got it into her 
head that the Clinton's problems could be made to 
disappear.  First of all, Dick Morris--like Vince Foster--
knew too much.  She had conversations with an obscure 
group at the National Security Agency known as I3.  She 
discussed details of a plan to murder Dick Morris.  They 
also planned, provided the Dick Morris hit was 
successful, the assassination of Chuck Hayes.  But word 
got out about the I3 plans.  The men were arrested and 
interrogated.

	Hillary's next action (see "The Dickheads Are 
Getting Desperate") was to send sixteen FBI and Secret 
Service personnel down to Kentucky to make inquiries 
whether there was "some way to get to that son-of-a-
bitch," meaning Chuck Hayes.

	And, ultimately, they found the ammunition they 
needed:  1) a local U.S. attorney who was representing the 
Justice Department in its attempt to quash all evidence 
with respect to the theft of the PROMIS software; 2) 
Hayes' ex-wife and one of his sons, who were involved 
with Hayes in an inheritance dispute; and 3) a lying FBI, 
eager to deflect attention from Fifth Column evidence of 
FBI involvement in drug-dealing.

(To Be Continued)

October 30, 1996
Web Page:  http://www.aci.net/kalliste/
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